The development of illegal markets (drugs, exploitation of illegal immigration, etc.) across national borders can be considered as a push-and-pull factor in migration. Assumptions about causal links between immigration and crime point to the potential for conflict and instability associated with the presence of foreigners in the host country. Even at the EU level, international organised crime has become a major point of concern. Indeed, in early October 1998, a common Police Authority was established by EU countries.⁸⁷ Based in The Hague, this ‘European FBI’ will focus initially on drug trafficking and exploitation of illegal immigration. The topic is very sensitive as it is also susceptible to political exploitation.

The increase of Albanian-run prostitution networks in Italy must be seen as a particularly alarming trend, not only from the Italian but especially from the Albanian perspective, since anecdotal evidence tells of thousands of young Albanian women, often minors, who are duped into emigrating with the lure of a job and money, and then on arrival in Italy are beaten and raped by fellow countrymen who then force them onto the streets. The Mobile Police Squad of Milan estimated that, in mid-1996, at least 300–500 Albanian prostitutes worked the city streets each day.⁸⁸ The logistical problems involved in entering and surviving in the host country with false papers create the link that binds the immigrant to the criminal organisation, placing him or her in a state of total subjection. Unwillingness to comply with the orders given is minimised by threats to withhold identity documents or to make life difficult for family members remaining behind in the home country. For those with illegal status, subordination to the conditions imposed by the criminal organisers of their journey and/or those who provide the means of survival in Italy increases the possibility of being forced into crime.

The severe measures against exploitation of illegal immigration provided by Law 40/1998, with heavy fines and prison sentences of up to 15 years, may work as a deterrent. Moreover, some initiatives are being implemented at the local level; for example, the Public Prosecutor’s Office in Turin has formed an ad hoc pool of magistrates to work on inquiries concerning the involvement of Albanian citizens in criminal activities.⁸⁹ Likewise, the Mobile Police Squad of Turin has organised a special department for Albanian affairs to deal more efficiently with the growing requests for intervention.

Albanian criminal organisations have undoubtedly gained a solid foothold in Italy and are likely to want to expand their activities, in competition for the same markets with rival organisations. According to chief mafia prosecutor Pier Luigi Vigna, fierce competition has already developed between Albanian and Nigerian groups in running prostitution rackets. The last three years have seen a spate of murders of Albanian prostitutes. In the space of five days in February 1996, there were three murders of Albanians in the Rome area (three men and one woman) and one stabbing – all thought to be the result of a turf battle over prostitution.⁹⁰ Albanian groups are also competing amongst themselves for power. Shooting episodes escalated from July to September 1998, especially in the northern city of Turin.

There is every indication that Albanian organised crime in Italy will be a continuing and growing problem, in particular as regards prostitution, drug distribution and illegal immigration trafficking. And given that these activities are linked at a much broader level to international illegal traffics, they must be given serious consideration.

As for micro-criminality, it seems likely that for Albanians, as for most other immigrant groups, illegal status contributes significantly to the likelihood of committing crimes, even though these are mostly ‘survival crimes’. This aspect was explicitly recognised in the 1995 annual report on organised crime compiled by the Italian Interior Ministry, which stated:

There seems to be little doubt that prejudice and resentment against Albanians, which can be found in most European countries, are fuelled, in Italy in particular, by the increased Albanian participation and Italo-Albanian partnership in the variegated activities of organised crime. The majority of Albanian immigrants to Italy undoubtedly wish to live and work legally, however the difficulties in obtaining a visa or residence permit make this extremely difficult. This situation will not change unless formal procedures become less bureaucratic, and unless the general public and potential employers become less biased against Albanian labour.

Notes