Ethnobarometer Working Paper 3

2.0 What Kosovo Represents for the Albanians of Albania

2.1 North Against South

As is common knowledge, there is strong opposition between north and south in Albania. It plays a role in as much as the people of the south equate Kosovo to the north: Kosovars are thus described as violent and intransigent mountain people, in contrast to the civilised southerners. When people are asked about Kosovars, they quickly pass from the category of "Kosovar" to that of "northerners" and thus speak of backwardness, dirtiness and violence.

It should also be said that few Albanians outside of the frontier regions are directly acquainted with Kosovo, and that among the Kosovars who have settled in Albania since the opening of the border there are probably many adventurers seeking profitable business opportunities, hence their bad reputation. The same phenomenon occurred in the south with the first Greek "investors" who entered Albania.

2.2 The Role of the Border

The existence of an international border separating Albanians and Kosovars since 1913, with an interruption during the Italian and German occupations of World War II, divided the two populations, which have been subjected to different political regimes and systems since. The border was especially impermeable to people after the split between Albania and Yugoslavia in 1949.

This has had two consequences on the way in which Albanians consider Kosovars. Albanians insist that they were confined behind their borders during communism, whereas Kovosars had the opportunity to migrate, both within and outside of Yugoslavia – something seen as an advantage. Thus, one finds the same opposition as exists in the south of Albania between Muslims, hardly touched by pre-war immigration, and Christians, many of whom emigrated to the United States: those left behind develop a feeling of inferiority with respect to those who "have seen the world". The latter are more advanced, richer, favoured.

On the other hand, in everyday life, the sense of community does not cross the border. From the point of view of the Albanians, Kosovars are "the others". For instance, referring to the 6:30 television newscast of Albanian Radio and Television, broadcast by satellite and dedicated to Kosovar current events, some Albanians would say: "The 6:30 news is more for the Kosovars, the 8 o’clock news is for us." The fact that Albanians use two different ethnonyms, shqiptar (for themselves) and kosovar, is also indicative of the feeble sense of community.

2.3 Politics, Media and Public Opinion

The Albanians’ position as regards the situation in Kosovo is therefore limited by their mistrust and prejudice against Kosovars. When it comes to voicing an opinion, people generally borrow from the speeches delivered by politicians and intellectuals (who are often one and the same) in the press and on television. Consequently, they speak of the unity of the Albanian nation and of solidarity with Kosovar brothers.

Yet there appears to be a significant difference between personal opinions and political and intellectual stances. Politicians’ statements do not seem to touch the population in the least and are often considered by the latter simply as political manoeuvres. This difference is the result of three phenomena:

a) Since 1994, and even more so since 1997, many Albanians have displayed a great mistrust towards politics and politicians, whom they consider to be incompetent (one person from Tirana said: "The Defence Minister is a doctor: what does he know about matters pertaining to defence? And the Minister for the Interior is an archaeologist! Why are Ministers not experts in their field?"), corrupt and dishonest (they are accused of diverting international aid, of being involved in contraband), and of thinking only of themselves. Moreover, most of the stances taken by politicians are considered political manoeuvres (allowing, for instance, Sali Berisha to return to the political scene and to parliament on 5 March 1998) that do not involve the country. The weakness of the political class is a manifestation of the weakness of the country: "There is a great deal of talk [about Kosovo], but nothing can be done," says another person in Tirana, "the country is powerless. The others [the Serbs] are backed by Russia, they are strong. What can we do compared to them?"

It is also worth highlighting that most people do not trust the press and television, which are accused of lying. Most Albanian daily newspapers are directly controlled by a political party or do not conceal their political preferences, and the only television channel is considered, as in the days of communism, as a propaganda tool wielded by those in power. Moreover, most Albanian daily newspapers tend to "create events" and present false headlines which increase the distance between reality and what is reported about it. One of the most popular newspapers in Albania, featured the following front page headline, "Serbs enter into Albania" (Serbët futen në Shqipën), only to reveal on page 7 that it was actually a reconnaissance mission along the border with Albania.² Due to the gap between the sensational declarations of the press and what actually turns out to be the facts, the interest in current events has declined. As a result, the political class and the media have little influence on Albanian public opinion.

b) Since the crisis of 1997, living standards have deteriorated and the people’s main concern is combating poverty. People speak more freely about the instability and violence that still afflict the country, financial problems, drugs and the future of their children than they do about events going on in Kosovo. The domestic problems of the Albanian state are considered much more important and concrete than the external problem of Kosovo.

The current objective conditions of the country (disintegration of the state, economic and social hardship) do not allow the population to mobilise and act in favour of Kosovars.

c) Like other post-communist societies, Albanian society is marked by the absence of civil society, that is to say, an intermediary level between individuals and the state. Trade unions do not take a position as regards political matters, the voluntary sector is busier seeking money abroad than organising pressure groups at home (with the exception of the Victims of Political Persecution Association - Shoqata e të përndjekurve politikë, very close to right-wing parties), and intellectuals do not engage themselves outside of factious political action: they do not form a compact opinion group. By comparison, immigrant Albanians in Europe and the United States appear to be much more organised and aware. The demonstrations in support of Kosovars in European cities are organised by local Albanian associations (for example the association "Brotherhood" - Vëllazërimi - in Athens).³

The population thus finds itself isolated from policy-makers, and this makes it fall back on the family and the economy. Albanians strive for personal self-fulfilment and prosperity, first and foremost, and there is no such thing as a "political plan" capable of mobilising the entire population.

One must also bear in mind that Albanians are fully aware of their country’s economic, political and military weakness. Under such conditions, they rely in a more or less overt way on the "international community" to settle the Kosovo issue and especially to keep Albania out of the conflict. Despite the alarmist statements of the press in the first week of March, Albanians did not feel endangered for they counted on the protection of international forces. As a consequence, in a certain way, they leave the Kosovo issue to others and do not worry about it. Nonetheless, the violence of the images and the information on the fighting going on in Kosovo have triggered a number of reactions.

Notes

^{2 Koha Jonë, 8 March 1998.}

3 Ibidem

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